“That four great nations, flushed with victory and stung with injury stay the hand of vengeance and voluntarily submit their captive enemies to the judgment of the law is one of the most significant tributes that Power has ever paid to Reason.” — from Jackson's Opening Statement before the International Military Tribunal

Professor Challenges View Of Roosevelt's Racial Policies

(article is from the news section)
2/11/2004 - By JOHN WHITTAKER

Robert H. Jackson's appointment to the U.S. Supreme Court is part of a new academic argument seeking to place President Franklin Delano Roosevelt's racial politics in a new light.

Kevin McMahon, a State College at Fredonia political science professor, recently published the book Reconsidering Roosevelt On Race: How The Presidency Paved The Road To Brown. McMahon spoke about his findings Tuesday at the Robert H. Jackson Center.

Many legal historians have argued that FDR should have done more to fight against Jim Crow laws during his tenure as president. Indeed, every one of the 150 bills related to race proposed during the Roosevelt years was defeated by Congress. McMahon argues that most scholars focus on actions taken by Congress and thus overlook Roosevelt's most compelling racial advances.

''My argument is more on the power of the presidency, or what political scientists like to call the reconstructive presidency,'' McMahon said. ''A president has a great deal of political authority and that these are powerful agents of constitutional change. FDR is considered one of these reconstructive presidents.''

Roosevelt's impact can be seen beginning with his 1936 plan to pack the Supreme Court. While many scholars write that FDR was simply trying to appoint justices sympathetic to his Second New Deal, McMahon said the plan can also be seen as a way to appoint liberal judges who were sympathetic to both progressive economic packages but willing to make social changes through judicial activism.

Among the plan's many supporters was Jackson, one of the most vocal defendants of the court packing plan and a 1941 Roosevelt appointee to the Supreme Court. In a 1937 speech to the National Lawyer's Guild, Jackson foretold the court's role in defending First Amendment freedoms in a 10-year-long string of decisions beginning in 1944 with Smith v. Allwright and ending with Brown v. Board of Education in 1954.

''We too are founders,'' McMahon said, quoting Jackson's words. ''Founders of what will tomorrow become the tradition of our profession in this day of change. We, too, are makers of a nation, the nation of tomorrow. We, too, are called upon to write, to defend, to make live new bills of right.''

Though the court packing plan was defeated by the Senate, Roosevelt was still able to appoint nine justices to the court. Those justices came from a broad representation of states - including the deep South - while supporting arguments made by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and the U.S. Justice Department.

In addition to Roosevelt's appointment of justices that followed the doctrine of legal realism, Roosevelt directed the Justice Department to investigate racial abuses in the South by attacking the ''Four Pillars'' of Southern democracy: the white primary, the poll tax, anti-lynching efforts and police brutality.

While Roosevelt constructed his Supreme Court to actively protect the First Amendment, there was concern at the time that the Supreme Court was contradicting itself by taking an active stance with civil rights cases while using a lower level of scrutiny on cases involving the New Deal. McMahon credits Jackson with reasoning through the different levels of scrutiny.

''You have a time where you have sympathetic justices and the Justice Department arguing for that,'' McMahon said. ''And, again, Jackson is important. ... With (his) thinking, the court can still be active in protecting democracy, protecting free speech, freedom of assembly and, in the case of race, the right to vote in the white primary. The result, I argue, is that you get a Roosevelt court that is instructed in a fashion to be instructed in matters of race.''